Far too
long a wait
The Sachar Committee’s Report comprehensively demolishes the myth of the RSS/BJP-floated bogey of ‘Muslim appeasement’
The report of the Justice Sachar Committee has been presented in Parliament. Media reports had widely reported the abysmally low status of the Muslim minority on the basis of a wide-ranged criteria. The RSS/BJP, who thrive on sharpening communal polarisation tom-toming the myth of “Muslim appeasement”, created a hue and cry against collecting data on the status of Muslims. The Sachar Committee Report nails the lie of such “appeasement”. If anything, it exposes how expressions of concern for the Muslim minostiry’s welfare by successive Central governments never translated in reality.
The Sachar Committee Report offers, on the basis of excellent data collection and research, an updated account of education and the socioeconomic status of Muslims. Their status, as compared to the earlier findings, has declined and, in many cases, is worse off than that of Dalits and Adivasis.
RSS/BJP ideologues have come up with diabolic reasoning to oppose any affirmative action to improve Muslim welfare. One such reasoning goes as follows: The issue concerning the Muslims was settled in 1947 with the partition of the country and the creation of Pakistan. Why should India do anything more for the Muslims now? They deliberately ignore the fact that a larger number of Muslims—larger than the population of Pakistan, (including East Pakistan, now Bangladesh)—had chosen to remain in India. The strength of the modern Indian republic lies in the celebration of its diversity, and not bemoaning it like the communal forces do. The welfare of the minorities is an important index of the success of India’s secular democracy.
The other diabolic reasoning goes as follows: Since for over four centuries, various Muslim kingdoms ruled India before the British arrived, if the conditions of the Muslims is so woeful today, then they themselves are to be blamed. Like with all other religions and cultures, there may be a need for social reform amongst Muslims. That is an entirely different question. The leaders of the Muslim community must, and surely will, deal with this aspect. This, however, can be no excuse for the Indian State to abdicate its responsibilities.
Much has appeared in the Sachar Committee report on the situation of Muslims in West Bengal. West Bengal has, compared to the all India situation, a proportionately higher percentage of Muslims—25.20 per cent. Though in terms of literacy and such indicators, the status of Muslims is the same, if not higher than the all India average, in terms of employment in government jobs, etc, their percentage is woefully lower than their proportion of population. The CPI(M)-led Left Front
government in West Bengal has been conscious of this and has initiated over the years a number of programmes and initiatives.
Post-independence decades also compounded the problem by various waves of immigration of Muslim populations. Kolkata continues to attract the poorest of Muslims from neighbouring states in search of livelihood.
Ever since the Left Front assumed office in 1977, some measures were undertaken, but even these now need to be bolstered with new initiatives. The success of land reforms also shows tangible benefits going to the Muslim minorities. In a study conducted in a Bankura district village, one of the most economically backward in the state, there was not a single landless Muslim. Compared to the all-India figures of 21 Muslims unemployed for 1,000 people, in Bengal, it is 15 Muslims.
Doing justice to the findings of the Sachar Committee means to translate tangible benefits to the Muslim minorities as an obligation. It would be an utter disgrace and gross irresponsibility, if the pressures from the RSS/BJP-led communal forces succeed in thwarting such an effort. |
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India first or Muslims first?
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh does India’s
citizenry a great disservice by pushing for the
socioeconomic primacy of one group of people.
We say India first, they say Muslims first. It has long been believed that Arjun Singh was the ultimate depth to which crass communalism and casteism in Indian politics could descend under the UPA. Then, apologists for Prime Minister Manmohan Singh claimed that the apolitical gentleman-economist was pained and disturbed that politics in 21st century India was getting to resemble the Dark Ages.
But it did not take long for Manmohan Singh to shed his initial rectitude. Speaking at the National Development Council, he said that the minorities, particularly the “Muslims must have the first claim on resources”. He was emphasising his government’s assessment of the 10th Plan implementation and listing priority areas. It is unbecoming of a prime minister to communalise economic initiatives and development strategies, however pressing his political compulsions may be. Any government should work for the entire country. A democratic government cannot discriminate citizens on the basis of religion or caste.
What if another prime minister elected on a different political label asserted that Hindus would have the first claim on national resources? In any other country, such an outrageous assertion as the one made by Manmohan Singh would have cost him his job.
The opposition was right in demanding an apology, or at least a withdrawal. But that the prime minister’s minority identification was a well thought out strategy became clear by the kind of boisterous support offered by his cabinet colleague Priyaranjan Das Munshi and Planning Commission deputy chairperson Montek Singh Ahluwalia.
BJP chief Rajnath Singh is right in accusing the UPA of behaving like the Muslim League under British India. One of the first acts of the Manmohan government was to appoint the Sachar Committee to work on a patently divisive plank. It went to the extent of trying to communalise even the Indian Army and the judiciary, two highly regarded professional institutions in the country.
This evoked unprecedented opprobrium; for the first time in independent India’s history, the chiefs of the armed forces openly denounced the government action. The prime minister had to intervene to clear the air, and the controversy subsided for the time being. On the final report of the Sachar Committee, the prime minister is again working on reservations based on religion. This is ultra vires and goes against every tenet of the Constitution, which does not allow this kind of discrimination. A Constitutionally-formed government is duty-bound to treat everybody as equal on legal and policy issues.
Earlier, our prime ministers used to exhort countrymen to rise above caste, region and religion, and be Indians first and everything else afterwards. For six decades after Independence, our prime ministers used to work to inculcate the feeling of pride of being an Indian. Here is a prime minister who works overtime to violate the letter and spirit of the Constitution to divide and discriminate countrymen on communal lines.
And he, like his party, by no means appears contrite over such dangerous perversion. His government is aggressively working towards a polarisation of votes by pursuing a policy of minorityism, encouraging social tension and
disquiet. Had the Congress been really sincere about uplifting the minorities
or ameliorating their lot, it would not have resorted to such tactless exhibitionism and poisonous promotion of reactionary ideas.
The prime minister has not only to be seen but to act above partisan, communal considerations. He should be the custodian of trust, fair play and morality in public life. Manmohan Singh’s actions militate against all the established
principles of a secular state. In fact, he
is a shame in the high office, for he
cannot inspire confidence or promote national unity. |
